Successful Doctoral Dissertations | Department of Political Science | Kent State University

Successful Doctoral Dissertations

  • 2018, Jason Adkins, Politics from the Pulpit: A Critical Test of Elite Cues in American Politics

The relationship between religious belief and affiliation, and political behavior has been well studied. Scholars have utilized surveys to establish correlations regarding how religious affiliation affects political attitudes and behavior. Other scholars have examined correlations between what is happening within congregations and how that affects the political attitudes and behavior of congregants. Scholars have also attempted to establish more precise casual mechanisms regarding how religious leaders attempt to influence their congregants through interviews, observations, and experiments. However, research examining political cues made by top leaders of various denominations is rare. To address lingering questions regarding potential political cues made by religious leaders, I will analyze statements issued by the top leadership of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States, Southern Baptist Convention, and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Based on data collected from the content analysis of statements by national religious leaders, I will develop a survey experiment to test the effects of political cues made by religious leaders. Data from several waves of the General Social Survey and the National Congregations Study will then be analyzed to determine how hierarchal and organizational variations among religious denominations affect the political attitudes and behavior of congregants. My research seeks to uncover whether and how religious leaders deliver “coded” political messages to congregants and the potential effects of those cues.

  • 2018, Kristen Traynor, Capturing Influence: Elite and Media Framing of Prisoner Treatment at Guantànamo Bay

Since the Abu Ghraib scandal in 2004, the treatment of prisoners at U.S. military detention centers as part of the Global War on Terror has been a widely-covered issue, and the framing of such treatment in the media has become a focus for many scholars. However, most researchers have ignored Guantánamo Bay prison in favor of the more publicized Abu Ghraib case. This study examines how the mainstream media and government elites framed prisoner treatment at Guantánamo Bay and seeks to explain whether the media relied on the government’s frames or acted more autonomously in reporting on the issue. With the use of QDA Miner with WordStat, this project employs a mixed-methods content analysis of frames used in statements made by elite government actors and portrayals of prisoner treatment in mainstream news coverage during the two largest hunger strikes. The first began in August 2005 and continued until February 2006, and the second lasted from February to August of 2013. The results show that in both hunger strike periods the news media chose to reflect the views of government elites at times and to challenge them at others. This suggests that a new model of press-government relations is needed, and this research proposes a model that accounts for press calculations in deciding when to reflect government frames and when to challenge that portrayal by employing counterframes and including sources outside of the government.

  • 2018, Dominic Wells, From Collective Bargaining to Collective Begging: State Expansion and Restriction of Collective Bargaining Rights in the Public Sector

In 1959 Wisconsin became the first state to expand collective bargaining rights to public employees. In the decades that followed, other states also adopted policies that expanded collective bargaining rights to public employees and encouraged unionization. In recent years, states have adopted policies that greatly limit these rights. Although unionization has long been the focus of attention by historians, economists, political scientists, and sociologists, scholars focus their work on the causes and consequences of unionization. My dissertation, From Collective Bargaining to Collective Begging: State Expansion and Restriction of Collective Bargaining Rights in the Public Sector, takes a different approach. My dissertation identifies the conditions under which state-level policymakers adopt policies that expand or restrict collective bargaining rights for public employees. Using over five decades of state-level data, quantitative chapters identify the economic, political, and cultural factors that led states to expand and restrict collective bargaining rights. In addition to quantitative work, two case studies of highly-publicized state-level efforts to restrict collective bargaining rights in the public sector, Senate Bill 5 in Ohio and Act 10 in Wisconsin, are examined to determine how stakeholders and policy entrepreneurs in both states attempted to construct a narrative to shape voters’ understanding of the issue. The findings of my dissertation show that the politics of expanding rights are different from the politics of restricting them. While the expansion of collective bargaining rights to public employees was bi-partisan, efforts to restrict those rights were driven by Republican policymakers. Additionally, the findings of my dissertation show that the expansion of rights diffused by geographic region. Analysis of interview data and newspaper articles from the case studies show that stakeholders and policy entrepreneurs form context specific policy narratives in an attempt to influence policy outcomes. The findings of my dissertation have serious implications for policymakers and labor unions in the United States.

  • 2017, Amanda ClarkFraming Strategies and Social Movement Coalitions: Assessing Tactical Diffusion in the FIght Against Human Trafficking from 2008-2014

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the anti-human trafficking movement have proliferated over the last few decades, each focusing on different aspects of the problem. Many of these NGOs have joined coalitions to pool resources and expertise. What are the messages that NGOs use to define and prescribe solutions to the human trafficking issue? How do changes in the external political environment or the internal coalition structure impact NGO framing strategy? This paper uses a unique dataset to illustrate and analyze the discursive processes of NGOs over three distinct time periods: 2008-2010, 2011-2012, and 2013-2014. The data was gathered from public documents and supplemented by interviews from fifteen U.S. anti-trafficking NGOs involved in the Alliance to End Slavery and Trafficking (ATEST). Using constructed grounded theory methods (Charmaz 2014), this longitudinal analysis shows that the ATEST coalition has targeted the state (contentious politics) and private industry (private politics) to advance its AHT agenda (Soule 2009). Sex trafficking has normally been met with tactics from the contentious politics model due to its historical legal connection with prostitution; labor trafficking, on the other hand, has been approached via the private politics model due to its connection with business. However, due to the coalition’s formal organizational structure, members have been able to learn from each other and adopt tactics normally reserved for certain types of targets in new ways, i.e. using contentious political strategies for labor trafficking and vice versa. This study builds theory by showing how coalition learning in social movements across time periods can diffuse tactics and provide new action repertoires for coalition members.

  • 2017, Askat Dukenbaev, Understanding Elections in “Hybrid Regimes”: Why Do Citizens Vote in Elections They Do Not Trust? A Case Study of Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan, 1991-2016, with Generalizations to the Post-Soviet Central Asian States

Elections in non-democratic regimes so far have been studied mostly from the elite point of view, focusing on how elections support the stability of a regime. Consequently, the role of ordinary voters in elections in non-democratic countries has been neglected on the grounds that these elections are meaningless to ordinary voters due to absence of a real choice and the voter’s general lack of efficacy. But, are there differences among voters in different types of non-democratic regimes and in particular between strictly authoritarian and “hybrid” ones? Why do voters keep voting in “hybrid” regimes when they know the regime is non-democratic and they possess high levels of mistrust in the elections? Are there any other reasons for them to vote beyond compulsions of state-run mobilization or manipulation? How do elections in the “hybrid” regimes differ from elections in strictly authoritarian ones?

Based on analysis of voter-level data in the case of Kyrgyzstan, this dissertation argues that elections in “hybrid” regimes do have important implications and meanings both for the opposition and for ordinary voters. Kyrgyzstan’s example confirms Levitsky and Way’s concept that elections in such regimes polarize a ruling elite and help the opposition. But this dissertation goes on to discern how voters are also affected by elections. In particular, the findings of this research demonstrate that individual voting turnout is positively influenced by such objective sociodemographic factors such as age, marital status, ethnicity, religion, education, income as well as by attitudes towards country’s direction, state of democracy, electoral efficacy, political affiliation, and interest in politics. On the subjective level, most Kyrgyzstanis consider the “right to choose” to be the most important reason for voting, in addition to referring to the voting as an important act of “civic duty” and “contribution for the better future of the country”. The voters of Kyrgyzstan enjoy having choice and opportunities for contribution to the country’s development provided by the elections even under the conditions of the “hybrid” regime.

The findings of this dissertation, generalized to other Central Asian states, offer a new perspective in understanding of voters’ behavior in the post-Soviet region and suggest important implications for the study of prospects of democratization in the other “hybrid” regimes in the Central Asian region and beyond. Regular elections provide opportunities not only for the government and its opposition, but also for ordinary voters who view elections not only as a fulfillment of their civic duty, but also as a meaningful contribution to the country’s overall well-being, even though they know they cannot trust the government. In addition, elections play important role in the political socialization and learning process, and that has longer term implications for the regime: should the government ever arrive at a breaking point, voters will be there to support the change and legitimize a new political order, as happened in the Soviet Union during Gorbachev’s “perestroika” and in Kyrgyzstan since independence and onwards.

  • 2016, Monica Moll, How Far Have We Come? The State of Police Ethics Training in Police Academies in the U.S

Recent high-profile incidents of police misconduct and abuse of power in the U.S. have captured the attention of citizens and government officials.  Police ethics training is one possible and partial remedy, and the first opportunity to train police officers on this topic is in the pre-service police academy.  However, little is known about the current structure and content of police academy ethics training in the U.S.  This project is a comparative study of pre-service police ethics training in police academies across the U.S.  The sample consisted of ten states representing every major region of the country.  An informational survey was conducted in each state in the sample asking the state directors of law enforcement training to answer questions about the structure and organization of police academy ethics training.  Additionally, the instructional materials that the state provided to academy ethics instructors to guide them in teaching ethics to prospective police officers were also collected.  These instructional materials were analyzed using thematic analysis for a state to state comparison of the content of police academy ethics training.  Building off a prior study by Dillip Das (1986), this project revealed much has remained the same in the content of academy ethics training over the past thirty years.  The average amount of time devoted to ethics training in police academies is relatively short compared to total hours of training, and topics closely related to police ethics are not adequately tied into this portion of training, such as constitutional rights, democratic principles of justice, police use of force and biased-based profiling.  Additionally, instructors have wide latitude and little guidance in many states in regard to the content of what they are teaching prospective police officers during pre-service police ethics training.  The study concludes with recommendations for improving the content and organization of police academy ethics training, particularly in light of the national crisis facing police use of force.

  • 2016, Lisa Hager, The Legal, Institutional, and Political Factors of Congressional Court-Curbing: The Purpose and Seriousness of Attempts to Constrain the United States Supreme Court

One of the ways the U.S. Congress attempts to constrain the Supreme Court's decision-making is through the introduction of Court-curbing legislation—bills that seek to limit judicial power. An underexplored relationship involves the public policy motivations behind Congress introducing Court-curbing bills and the Supreme Court responding to these bills. It is unclear when ideologically adverse judicial decisions are met with Court-curbing legislation as compared to other types of responses, such as overrides. Of further interest is determining when Congress uses the bills as position-taking endeavors or strategic attempts to shape public policy and influence the ideological content of judicial decisions. Additionally, it is unknown how the content of Court-curbing bills influences why the Court responds and for what reason. Accordingly, this study analyzes the introduction of Court-curbing legislation by Congress and responses by the Supreme Court from 1975-2008 (94th-110th Congresses). First, it is expected that ideological disagreement with judicial decisions and institutional conditions restricting the legislature’s ability to override rulings—specifically legislative gridlock—influence the frequency of Court-curbing bills being introduced to pursue policy preferences. Second, Court-curbing bills—especially proposals that attempt to harness judicial power—are postulated to serve as a signal to the Court of the potential of a legislative override; however, responses by the justices are dictated by institutional conditions—particularly legislative gridlock—that signal the possibility of a reversal. Results suggest that ideological disagreement between the two branches and adverse decisions handed down by the Court lead to the introduction of Court-curbing bills, especially those that attempt to harness the Court’s policymaking power. Although ideological disagreement with Congress leads to judicial deference to legislative preferences, the Court and the individual justices are relatively unresponsive to Congress and Court-curbing bills. Additionally, contrary to expectations, legislative gridlock does not increase attempts to manipulate the ideological content of judicial decisions through Court-curbing legislation nor decrease judicial responsiveness to such proposals. Despite these unexpected findings, the dissertation research contributes to the literature by positing and empirically testing an alternative, policy-oriented explanation for the introduction of Court-curbing bills and the Court’s response to the legislation that also takes into account the content of the proposals.  Thus, the research is directed at uniting two related, but distinct, bodies of literature on Court-Congress relations and providing a more complete view of the dynamics of Court-curbing.

  • 2016, Amber Thorne Hamilton, Cincinnati Collaborative Agreement Process: Deliberative Democracy as a Method of Improving Police-Community Relations

Over the past fifteen years across the United States, African-American communities are protesting and even rioting about discriminatory policing practices and use of police force issues.  Governments are seeking new ways to constructively address police-community conflicts and some are turning to deliberative democracy.  In 2001, a riot in Cincinnati, Ohio in combination with a federal lawsuit spurred a deliberative democracy experiment that resulted in the Cincinnati Collaborative Agreement Process involving thousands of citizens, the Cincinnati Police Department, the City of Cincinnati and local civil rights groups. This dissertation evaluates the Cincinnati Collaborative Agreement Process as deliberative democratic practice. It also analyzes the success of the Collaborative Agreement Process in terms of improving police-community relations. Findings show that the Cincinnati Collaborative Agreement Process deviates from the deliberative ideal in some ways but that the process also successfully influenced policing policies and practices and provided the public an inclusive and representative deliberative democracy practice. This detailed analysis of the Cincinnati Collaborative Agreement Process contributes to the deliberative democracy literature by evaluating the soundness of the process using criteria from the literature. More important, it also evaluates the complex relationship between community support for the agreement and the long-term sustainability of this deliberative practice. This evaluation is significant because it outlines the areas of the Cincinnati Collaborative Agreement Process that should be used as a model for other communities who wish to improve their police-community relations.

  • 2016, Alireza Raisi, The Paradox of Participation: Institutions, Social Status, and the Provincial Divide in Iran's Electoral Politics

The conventional wisdom of scholars generally stresses the role of clientelistic exchanges in mobilizing citizens in electoral authoritarianism. That explanation, however, discounts the complexity of electoral behavior in authoritarian settings; in particular, it overlooks the significant role of institutional setting in shaping the preferences of the voters. This research addresses this shortcoming by studying the role of institutional setting, socioeconomic variables, and electoral engineering strategies in shaping the pattern of voting behavior in Iran’s electoral politics since the 2000s.

In seeking to address the rulers’ strategy to shape electoral politics, the research distinguishes between the metropolitan and provincial level of parliamentary politics. Iran’s institutional setting, notably the electoral system, has created a fundamental disparity between the parliamentary electoral politics of center and periphery. The qualitative data from the field reveals that the personal linkage between the citizens and MPs drives local parliamentary politics, while factional politics determines the vote choice in metropolitan districts. Accordingly, Iran’s conservative ruling elite pursues a dual electoral strategy. In localities, they employ the existing institutional setting to divert local citizens’ demand toward particularistic needs and keep national change and reform off the agenda. In urban areas, by contrast, authoritarianism relies on screening and disqualifying candidates.

Similarly, at the national level in presidential elections, conservatives try to weaken the role of parties and factions through a strategy of preventing the polarization of presidential elections. As the statistical analysis of Iran’s presidential election demonstrates, this strategy promotes depoliticized demands like distributive policies or populist attitudes such as anti-ruling elite sentiments. This pattern of voting behavior primarily stems from a struggle between conservative and reformist forces over the transition to democracy in Iran. In the reformist view, political parties and programmatic policymaking is a crucial determinant of the electoral politics and democratic rule. In contrast, conservatives favor populist voting behavior at the national level and also depoliticized particularistic demands in provincial politics.

  • 2014, Vasili Rukhadze, The Causes of Post-Mobilization Leadership Change and Continuity: Comparative Analysis of Post-Color Revolution Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, and Georgia

This dissertation studies the causes of post-mobilization leadership change and continuity. Using as examples the fall and survival of the post-Color Revolution governments in Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, and Georgia, the study examines the factors that contribute to post-uprising leadership durability.

Using qualitative methods of structured, focused comparison and within case process-tracing, I argue that the key independent variable that influences post-mobilization leadership change and continuity is ruling coalition size and cohesion. I demonstrate that if the ruling coalitions are large and fragmented, as in Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, the coalitions disintegrate and their members defect to the opposition, making possible the emergence of active oppositions. Active oppositions then become persistent in destabilizing the new governments. Also, large, fragmented coalitions politicize the issue of the president’s executive power, an issue which the reactivated oppositions use to undermine the new leaderships. Moreover, large, fragmented coalitions fail to agree on a reform program, impeding the implementation of reforms. The failure to carry out reforms leads to diminished state capacity and popular support. Overall, active opposition, politicized issue of executive power, and the failed reforms—three intervening variables in this dissertation--contributed to the fall of the post-mobilization leaderships, exemplified by post-Color Revolution Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan.

Alternatively, if the ruling coalition is small and cohesive, as in Georgia, the coalition maintains unity. Without defections from the coalition, the opposition stays inactive and allows the new government to solidify its grip on power. Furthermore, a small, cohesive coalition quickly solves the issue of the president’s executive power, thus denying the opposition the chance to politicize this issue and use it to destabilize the leadership. In contrast, a small, cohesive coalition can agree on a reform agenda and enables the leadership to carry out reforms. Successful reforms lead to increased state capacity and strong popular support. Hence the intervening variables, inactive opposition, absence of the issue of executive power, and successful reforms create favorable conditions for the continuity of the post-uprising leadership, as is the case in the post-Color Revolution Georgia.

The arguments developed in this dissertation contribute to the theory building on post-mobilization leadership change and continuity.

  • 2014, Oindrila Roy, Exploring the Influence of Faith on Foreign Policy Attitudes in the United States

By means of analyzing public opinion, particularly of those who are more religiously active than others, this project identifies a potential source of foreign policy decision making in the U.S. In so doing, it tests the conventional wisdom which suggests that religious background—especially evangelical identity—is instrumental in driving a distinct set of foreign policy preferences. On the basis of a rigorous statistical analysis of survey data from the American National Election Studies, the project shows that the influence of religious factors on public opinion is more complicated than the simple logic of the conventional wisdom. While religious identity is rarely instrumental in shaping attitudes independently, beliefs in the authority of Scriptures, and worship attendance habits seem to matter more. Even when such beliefs and behavior influence attitudes independently, they do not outperform the effects of political predispositions altogether. Also, religious factors seem to exhibit substantial mediated effects via political predispositions. Finally, contrary to popular understanding, the findings from this project suggest that in a comparison of chief executives since 1980, President George W. Bush did not have a unique impact on the foreign policy attitudes of the evangelical laity. On the whole, the analysis presented in the dissertation implies that the foreign policy makers of this country are not constrained by public sentiments that are predominantly driven by religious considerations. When Americans think about the role of their nation abroad, their perceptions are also conditioned by other important factors including political predispositions, demographic make-up, and socio-economic status.

  • 2014, Jessie Rumsey, Aid and International Norms: The Effects of Human Rights and Counterterrorism Regimes on U.S. Foreign Assistance Pre- and Post-9/11

To test the proposition that international regimes influence state behavior, this study evaluates the impact of two potentially competing regimes on U.S. foreign policy. Specifically, it examines the effects of the international human rights regime and the international counterterrorism regime on U.S. foreign economic assistance from fiscal years 1996-2009, comparing the influence of each of these pre- and post-9/11. Using an innovative mixed methods approach, the study first analyzes the presence of regime-based rhetoric (RBR) in Senate subcommittee hearings, producing an original dataset. Then, merging this unique data with key variables established in the literature, the research draws out the statistical effect of regimes in foreign aid obligations. Results from the first stage demonstrate that the human rights regime continued to exert strong influence during aid appropriations hearings even following the terrorist attacks. Results from the second stage indicate that although the human rights regime continued to exert this influence following 9/11, it operated in a foreign policy space in which the counterterrorism regime altered the aid calculus and emerged as an important statistical determinant. By properly conceiving of regimes, deriving an accurate measure of their influence, and grounding interpretations of statistical results in appropriate evidence, this research sheds new light on the importance of the international human rights and counterterrorism regimes in the U.S. foreign aid appropriations process.

  • 2014, Aysegul Keskin Zeren, Iraq’s de-Ba’athification: Analyzing the degrees to which the implemented policy reflected the particular rationales

Mechanisms of transitional justice are used by post-conflict societies emerging from authoritarianism or civil wars as they confront the crimes and injustices of the past. Vetting is one of many transitional justice mechanisms that aim to purify the public sphere of former regime members or of people who lack integrity. Many post-World War II and post-communist European countries endorsed some form of vetting. De-Ba`thification of Iraq is the latest effort that can be investigated under this category. Government officials from the Saddam Hussein government were purged in 2003, and many institutions that represented Ba`th party’s brutalities were dissolved under a program that borrowed in part from the de-Nazification program established in Germany after World War II. The process of de-Ba`thification in Iraq provides a unique case study for the vetting literature, not only because it is the latest example, but also because it was initiated and administered by an occupying power whose policies contributed to a countrywide insurgency. Also, the process of de-Ba`thification holds lessons and provides valuable insight into policy-making and implementation for policy makers well beyond Iraqi context.

The main questions of this dissertation are: What are the rationales given by U.S. and Iraqi officials for adopting de-Ba`thification? How was it designed and implemented? To what degrees were the rationales incorporated in the design and implementation of de-Ba`thification? In order to answer these questions two different data gathering methods are utilized: archival research and interviews with U.S. officials and Iraqi elites who were actively involved in the decision-making, planning and implementation of de-Ba`thification and Iraqis who suffered under or supported the Ba`th regime.

The findings of this dissertation indicate that the main rationales for de-Ba`thification were transforming institutions in order to safeguard the democratic transition, satisfying expectations of the Iraqi public, gaining Iraqi support and trust in U.S. leadership, balancing the interests of Kurds and Shi`is against Sunnis, securing the new regime, preventing a Ba`thist revival, normalization and reconciliation, promoting the “de-ideologization” of Iraqi society and removing Ba`thist ideology from the social, political and education systems, cleansing the system from corrupt and criminal activities that were tolerated under the Ba`th regime, preventing a revenge campaign against Ba`thists, establishing meritocracy, and comforting the victims of the Ba`th party. Most of these rationales were not considered when designing and implementing the de-Ba`thification program. For instance, the positions and persons who were subjected to de-Ba`thification were identified arbitrarily, there was not enough guidance on how to implement the de-Ba`thification especially at the provincial and ministerial levels, there was a great deal of ignorance about the composition of the Ba`th party and Iraqi culture. The commissions that were responsible for implementing the program were highly politicized, and consequently implementation process was inconsistent and corrupt. All of these problems left Iraq in the midst of broader protected quandaries including sectarianism, extra-judicial killings and governance gap.

  • 2013, Franklin Lebo, Between Bureaucracy and Democracy: Regulating Administrative Discretion in Japan

​​​​​​​This study explores the link between democracy and bureaucracy using Japan as the critical case study. The research question is whether competition by multiple principals creates opportunities for bureaucratic drift. This project hypothesizes that policy settings including multiple principals (independent variable) are more likely to manifest bureaucratic drift (dependent variable). At the same time, policy settings excluding multiple principals (independent variable) are more likely to manifest less bureaucratic drift (dependent variable). Variation in agent discretion is the critical effect of the independent variable (i.e., number of principals) on the dependent variable (bureaucratic drift). “Discretion” is “administrative decision-making absent directives from political principals.” Evaluating the exercise of discretion of administrators is feasible if one’s evidence is primarily from the administrators themselves. To test these hypotheses, therefore, this project adopts a research design based on a qualitative case study methodology. The case studies include four of Japan’s ministries: the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (MIC), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), the Ministry of Land, Industry, Transportation, and Tourism (MLITT), and the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare (MHLW). Likewise, the role of the National Personnel Authority (NPA) in the administrative system is also evaluated. Research participants include both participants in the Mike Mansfield Fellowship Program along with NPA administrators.

This study contributes to the extant corpus of research in a number of salient respects. First, this project proposes a different dependent variable in that most studies are focused on administrative reform whereas the focus here is on bureaucratic drift. Second, this project discusses the important effect of bureaucratic discretion. Third, while relevant to the quality of the Japanese democracy in particular, these findings may be leveraged to a larger conversation about the relationship between bureaucracy and democracy in the Asian context and perhaps beyond. Finally, this project provides an explicit policy recommendation for contemporary Japanese politics proposing that greater authority be delegated to administrative agents, albeit supervised by a powerful intermediary, to minimize bureaucratic drift.

  • 2013, James McQuiston, Social Capital in the Production Gap: Social Networking Services and Their Transformative Role in Civic Engagement

​​​​​​​The experiences of citizens in the “Arab Spring” of 2010 and 2011 provide evidence for the importance of social networking services in expressing citizens’ policy desires. This dissertation expands upon previous research in its examination of the relationship between social networking use and civic engagement. Prior research into the effect of social networking services on social capital creation is limited in terms of generalizability and predictive power. The dissertation explores the determinants of social networking service use, the impact that social networking services have on the creation of social capital, and how social networking website use modifies a respondent’s level of generalized trust and political efficacy.

The sample utilized in this dissertation includes 2,303 respondents from the Social Side of the Internet Survey, conducted in November and December of 2010. The dissertation utilizes this data to examine social networking intensity as a hypothesized determinant of indirect and direct forms of social capital. Models explore the decision to utilize the internet, social networking services (SNS), and to join traditional groups, evaluating the hypothesis that SNS usage creates social capital through a different pathway than online or physical interactions. Results support this hypothesis, as the factors influencing the decision to utilize social networking are separate from those modifying online or group activity.

The explanatory power of social networking intensity is compared to demographic and group-centered conceptions of social capital generation. The data supports the conception that SNS intensity is a significant determinant of external political efficacy and social capital, but is unable to identify a relationship between social networking intensity and generalized trust.

By examining the role that social networking services play alongside factors such as age, education, internet use, gender, race, socioeconomic class, technology, and group association, the dissertation tests hypotheses important to political science sub-fields including American politics, civic engagement, and political theory. Future research examining social networking and civic engagement needs to consider how governmental representatives view the social capital generated by SNS.

  • 2013, Ann Coleman, Similar Situations, Different Decisions: Explaining Energy Deregulation Policy in the States

​​​​​​​While much scholarly attention has been paid to examining the effects of institutional capacity on the development of public policy, there are few comprehensive quantitative analyses of how these variables affect the politics of energy deregulation in the states. Although most states considered the deregulation of their residential gas and electricity industries at the same time, this study shows that the same variables were not significant in the individual state’s policy decisions about each industry. This study finds that electricity deregulation was primarily affected by the institutional capacity of both the legislature and the strength of the governor while gas deregulation was only driven by legislative professionalism.Including both a quantitative analysis and case studies to examine energy deregulation, this project offers a comprehensive examination of policymaking process that allows the reader to consider the impact of institutional capacity at both the before and after stages of state policy adoption. Just as Gormley (1983, 216) argued, this project shows that “complexity and conflictuality do not guarantee a fixed set of policy responses.” Instead, they challenge a political system, its institutions, and actors, to evaluate policy options, make a choice, and hope for a positive outcome.

  • 2013, Todd Nelson, Bringing Stalin Back In: Creating a Useable Past in Putin’s Russia

​​​​​​​While Joseph Stalin is commonly reviled in the West as a murderous tyrant who committed egregious human rights abuses against millions of his own people, in Russia he is often positively viewed as the symbol of Soviet-era stability and state power. How can there be such a disparity in perspectives? Utilizing an ethnographic approach, extensive interview data, and critical discourse analysis, this study concludes that the political elite in Russia are able to control and manipulate historical discourse about the Stalinist period in order to create a version of the past that bolsters their own political preferences. Appropriating the Stalinist discourse, they minimize or ignore outright crimes of the Soviet period, and instead focus on positive aspects of Stalin's rule, such as leading the Soviet Union to victory in the Second World War. Advancing concepts of 'preventive' and 'comprehensive' co-optation, this study analyzes how the political elite in Russia inhibit the emergence of groups that provide alternate narratives or narratives that contradict the elite-driven discourse, while promoting message-friendly groups that bolster elite preferences. Bringing the resources of the state to bear, the Russian elite are able to co-opt multiple avenues of discourse formulation and dissemination. Elite-sponsored discourse positions Stalin as a symbol of a strong, centralized state that was capable of many achievements, enabling favorable portrayals of Stalin as part of a tradition of harsh rulers in Russian history, along the lines of Peter the Great. Implicitly, this strong state discourse is used to legitimize the return of authoritarianism that Russia has experienced.

  • 2012, Bridgett King, The Effect of State Policy on the Individual Vote Decisions of African Americans in Presidential and Midterm Elections, 1996 to 2008

Voting is an integral part of the American democracy. Voting is the tool by which citizens are able to express their preferences and shape the government to best reflect policies derived from these preferences.  However, how we are able as citizens to express these preferences by voting is largely determined by rules and policies that dictate when and how we physically register and cast a ballot. These rules vary from state to state. Because African Americans historically have been subject to unfair rules (poll taxes, literacy tests, property requirements, etc.)  governing their access to the franchise it is imperative that we look at the way current voting policies affect the African American population. The goal of this research is three fold: (1) to examine the significance of traditional explanations of African American turnout in a contemporary context; (2) to examine voting policy variation outcomes with regard to a historically marginalized African American population; and (3) to examine the effect of felony disenfranchisement laws from the perspective of their impact on the turnout of the enfranchised population.

To achieve this, this research evaluates the effect of seven state voting policies (registration closing date, photo identification requirements, statewide computer registration database, in person early voting, Election Day registration, no excuse absentee voting, and felony disenfranchisement) on African American turnout in Presidential and midterm elections from 1996 to 2008. The research utilizes individual-level data from the US Census Bureau Current Population Survey (CPS) that has been merged with detailed state level voting policy, demographic, social and economic indicators. Using a series of multilevel models the effect of policy variations on the African American population was analyzed.

Although none of the state policies included in the analysis presented a consistent effect on voting from 1996 to 2008, the contribution of the empirical research presented here is to demonstrate that voting rules, specifically Election Day registration, computerized registration databases, voter registration closing date, early (in-person) voting and felony disenfranchisement can and do affect the turnout of the African American population.

  • 2012, Dongjin Chen, Legacies and Incentives: Explaining Local Health Care Expenditure Variation in post-Mao China

​​​​​​​Inequality characterizes China’s health care, including utilization, outcomes, expenditures, and financing. This dissertation focuses on variation in local health care expenditure by asking: How does local government health care spending in China vary across time and space? And why? Existing studies mainly center on the economy determination, arguing that local economy is the main factor behind variation in local health care expenditures. However, placing this argument in the background of a reforming era and a complicate center-regional relation, this approach misses important factors beyond local economy. This dissertation employs a typical political economic approach to understand variation in China’s local health care expenditures. Drawing upon studies of health care policies across nations as well as studies of China’s local government, this project proposes two dimensions to explain local health care expenditure. The first dimension explains variation by focusing on influences of the privatization of state-owned enterprises and the inequality between urban and rural areas. The second dimension emphasizes the incentives of individuals, including governmental bureaucrats. These explanations are tested in comparisons across localities. This project will contribute to studies of health care in China as well as the central-local relationship in this country.

  • 2012, Fredrick Butcher, Measuring the Effect of Exposure to Violence: An Analysis of the Behavioral Health/Juvenile Justice Initiative

​​​​​​​Although rates of violent crime among juveniles had dropped precipitously during the 1990s, juvenile violence remains a significant problem with a large percentage of youth reporting exposure to violence in homes, schools, and neighborhoods.  The literature to date consistently shows a relationship between exposure to violence and internalizing and externalizing problems.  Recent studies have begun to test the effects of neighborhood disorganization on this relationship.  This dissertation will examine the effect of neighborhood disorganization and exposure to violence on a population of juveniles in a juvenile justice diversion program in Ohio.  The initial sample was made up of 1,039 youth who were included in the Behavioral Health Juvenile Justice (BHJJ) Initiative, a community based treatment program for youth in the juvenile justice system with mental health and substance use issues.  Data were collected from the 2000 United States Census, juvenile court records, and survey data from youth, program staff, and caregivers.  Competing structural equation models were proposed to test the pathways from neighborhood disorganization to exposure to violence, trauma, and violent offending. Two findings are of note.  First, the data indicated that exposure to violence is best conceptualized as a context specific measure where violent victimization and witnessing violence is separated out by contextual location.  Second, the structural equation model identified as the most adequate fit to the data showed a link between neighborhood disorganization and neighborhood violence exposure, and a link between exposure to violence in schools and homes and symptoms of anger.  However, the data did not indicate a clear path from neighborhood disorganization to exposure to violence, trauma symptoms, and violent offending.  Group comparison models also showed race specific pathways, as well as pathways specific to urban and rural samples.  Directions for future research including the need to examine self-reported violent behaviors and desensitization to frequent exposure to violence are discussed.

  • 2012, David Randall, The Politics of Medicaid Contracting and Privatization

State Medicaid programs transfer over $100 billion to private firms to manage the health care needs of beneficiaries every year and is expected to expand.  As a result of state policy choices, there is a great deal of variation among the states in the levels and use of managed care organizations to serve state Medicaid populations.  The research answers questions about what factors help to explain the variation with a specific emphasis on the role of interest group populations and the role of bureaucratic capacity. The questions posed are answered utilizing pooled, cross-sectional time series analysis from 1997 to 2007 to test the relationship between Medicaid managed care policy choices and a variety of political, economic, demographic and governmental control variables.  In addition, a four state case study analysis was conducted with similar policy players in each state that utilizes content analysis software to examine transcribed interview response variation about state Medicaid privatization efforts.

The findings from the quantitative models suggest that interest groups play an important role in explaining why states choose to use commercial for-profit managed care arrangements. In addition, the models also find that states with higher levels of bureaucratic capacity tend to rely less on the use of all forms of managed care in Medicaid contracting and that state specific managed care markets are also an important factor. The four state qualitative interviews confirm the statistical analysis and also provide a narrative of why states favor one type of Medicaid managed care use and how strong interest groups communities and diminished bureaucratic capacity explain state policy choices. The findings contribute to the state policy and politics literature and health policy making about the role of bureaucracy and interest groups and are generalizable to other state policy venues.

  • 2012, Glen Duerr, Talking with Nationalists and Patriots: An Examination of Ethnic and Civic Approaches to Nationalism and their Outcomes in Quebec and Flanders

​​​​​​​Separatist/nationalist political parties exist in many states in the developed world, yet there has not been a successful case of secession since 1921 when the Irish Free State effectively seceded from the United Kingdom.  One issue is that these nationalist political parties have rarely been popular enough to form a government even amongst their core ethnic group.  Relatedly, demography has changed in the developed world given relatively high levels of immigration. Nationalist parties have historically been unable to win support from immigrants or people outside their core ethnic and/or linguistic group.  Given this context, three central questions were posed in this study including: whether—and also why—any of the nationalist parties have transitioned from ethnic-based to civic-based policy platforms? And, why have these nationalist parties not yet achieved independence?

This study examines two cases—Quebec in Canada, and Flanders in Belgium—to investigate how nationalist political parties are approaching the issue of independence. Through an investigation of five different areas of public policy—language, culture, immigration, political autonomy, and economics—this study answers the questions of whether and why any of these nationalist parties have adopted civic-based policy platforms instead of ethnic-based platforms. Three different types of qualitative research methods were used in this study including interviews, survey/polling data, and archival research.  The main research contribution of this dissertation is twenty-seven elite level interviews with nationalist political leaders and members of their staff.

The results show that the Parti/Bloc Quebecois in Quebec and Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie in Flanders have both started to make a transition towards civic-based nationalist party platforms, but that the transition is only halfway complete.  Vlaams Belang (also in Flanders), in contrast, has retained significant ethnic-based policy platforms.  The results also show that a combination of institutions, interests, and ideas have stifled the respective nationalist movements.  In Belgium, there are institutional blockages that make independence for Flanders very difficult.  In Quebec, however, there is a path to independence through a referendum, but interests in favor of Canada, and ideas opposing secession, have stifled the nationalist movement.  Secession remains a very challenging endeavor in the developed world.

  • 2011, Christine Mutuku, Youth Perspectives on their Empowerment in sub-Saharan Africa: The Case of Kenya
  • 2011, Kursad Aslan, International Labor Migration from Rural Central Asia: The Potential for Development in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan
  • 2011, Elena Pokalova, Shifting Faces of Terror after 9/11: Framing the Terrorist Threat
  • 2011, Andrew Povtak, Deciding Not to Decide: A Longitudinal Analysis of the Politics of Secondary Access on the U.S. Supreme Court
  • 2011, Russell Mills, Collaborating with Industry to Ensure Regulatory Oversight: The Use of Voluntary Safety Programs by the Federal Aviation Administration
  • 2011, Susan Kunkle, Bind Over and Blended Sentencing in Ohio
  • 2010, David A. Licate, Innovations and Organizational Change in Ohio Police Departments
  • 2010, Christopher M. Bellas, “I Feel Your Pain”: How Juror Empathy Affects Death Penalty Verdicts
  • 2010, Murat Kocak, The Application of Q Methodology to Generate A Functional Typology of Terrorist Organizations in Turkey
  • 2010, Mary G. Wilson, The Unintended Consequences of Megan's Law for Citizens, Law Enforcement and Offenders: An Empirical Analysis
  • 2010, Gabriella Paar-Jakli, Knowledge Sharing and Networking in Transatlantic Relations: A Network Analytical Approach to Scientific and Technological Cooperation
  • 2010, Behzat Yucedal, Victimization in Cyberspace: An Application of Routine Activity and Lifestyle Exposure Theories
  • 2009, Serhat Demir, Diffusion of Police Technology across Time and Space and the Impact of Technology Use on Police Effectiveness and its Contribution to Decision-Making
  • 2009, Musa Tuzuner, The State-Level Determinants of The United States’ International Intelligence Cooperation
  • 2009, Zakir Gul, A Partial Test of the Intelligence-led Policing Model
  • 2009, Lisa Dotterweich, Who Knows What?: A Study of the Role of Epistemic Communities in the No Child Left Behind Act
  • 2009, Tamer Koksal, The Effect of Police Organization on Computer Crime
  • 2009, Giles Falinski, The Deterrent Effect of Traffic Enforcement on Ohio Crashes
  • 2008, Ramona Saikaly, Decision Making in U.S. Foreign Policy: Applying Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Model to the 2003 Iraq Crisis
  • 2008, Mustafa Ozguler, Comparing and Assessing the Preparedness of Police Organizations in Counter Terrorism (Netherlands and United Kingdom)
  • 2008, Serkan Altuntop, The Correlates of Recruitment Decision- Making of Police Departments
  • 2007, Osman Dolu, Fear of Online Crime and Public Policy: Privacy vs. Security
  • 2007, Erkan Sezgin, A Comparative Perspective of International Cooperation Against Terrorism
  • 2007, Cureyt Gurer, Divergence of Discontent: Socio Political Analysis of Turko-Skepticism in European Union Enlargement
  • 2007, Almaz Tolymbek, Political Leadership Style in Kazakhstan
  • 2007, Ali Duman, Effects of Contingent Factors On Community Policing Activities: A Critical Analysis of Adopting a Certain Policing Model
  • 2007, Sener Uludag, Democracy, Crime Victimization, and Fear of Crime: The Effect of Democratic Quality on Citizens' Fear of Criminal Victimization
  • 2007, Cemil Dogutas, Reactive vs. Proactive Strategies: The Effectiveness of School Resource Officers to Prevent Violence in Schools
  • 2007, Serdar Gul, Police Performance Appraisal: A Comparative Study Between Turkey and the USA
  • 2006, Alethia Cook, The 1995 Oklahoma City Bombing: Bureaucratic Response to Terrorism And a Method for Evaluation
  • 2006, Michele Gilbert, Race, Concentrated Poverty and Policy: Empowerment Zones in Distressed Urban Areas
  • 2006, Ronald Matthews, Charitable Choice and Faith-Based Organizations: Welfare, Policy, and Religion in American Politics
  • 2005, Tuncay Durna, Madd, Drunk Driving Policies, And Deterrence: The Impact of State Laws On Individual Attitudes And Behavior
  • 2005, Robin Fillmore, Transforming The ‘Enemy’: A Discursive Analysis Of U.S. Images Of The Soviet Union
  • 2005, Ramona S. McNeal, The Internet and Political Participation
  • 2005, Kathleen M. Hale, PolyDiffusion And State Policy Implementation: The Impact of Intersectoral Information Networks on Drug Court Policy
  • 2005, Mary Schmeida, Telehealth Innovation in the American States
  • 2004, Timothy D. Newman, Links Between Ethics and Public Policy: A Q Methothodological Study of Physician Assisted Suicide and Euthanasia
  • 2003, Irene Barnett, Assisted Reproductive Technology Policy: A Comparative Case Study of Policy Outcomes in Germany and the United States
  • 2001, Thomas Sutton, DeRolph v. Ohio: An institutional analysis of school funding policy
  • 2001, John Grummel, Minorities and Direct Democracy: The Impact of the Economy on Support for Ballot Initiatives Affecting Racial and Sexual Minorities
  • 2001, Guang Zhang, Foreign Aid, National Interest, and Economic Development, The Case of China, 1949-2000
  • 2000, Richard Robyn, Forms of French Attachment to the European Union: A Study of French Conceptions of Identity in the Context Of A Changing Europe
  • 2000, Byung-ok Kil, Explaining Security Policy Dynamics in South Korea: How Political Institutions Respond to Internal and External Charges
  • 2000, Maureen Oakley, Explaining the Adoption and Comprehensiveness of Morality Policy Innovations in the American States: The Case of Fetal Homicide Policy
  • 1999, Mathew C. Wells, Democratic Transitions and The Weber/ Freud Connection: The Cases of The First French Republic (1789-1799), Weimar Germany (1919-1934), and Islamic Iran (1979-Present)
  • 1999, Brian G. Wright, Transitional Actors and Foreign Policy: A Comparative Analysis Of Environmental Transnational Coalitions
  • 1998, Kim Veris, Bureaucratic Politics and the Transfer and Commercialization of Federal Laboratory Technology
  • 1998, Scott Johnson, Explaining the United States Supreme Court's Unanimous Decisions
  • 1997, Thomas C. Davis, The Subjectivity of National Identity: A Q Methodological Study of Individual Attachment to the Basque Nation
  • 1997, John M. Bublic, The Media Hegemony Thesis Examined Through Q Methodology
  • 1997, James C. Rhoads, Jr., The Authoritarian Personality Revisited: Toward an Alternative Methodology
  • 1997, Anjuman Ali-Bogaert, Imagining Alternatives To Development: A Case Study of The Narmada Bachao Andolan In India
  • 1995, Chang Nam Kim, Political Candidates’ Cultural Values In Voters’ Evaluations: Religiosity, Self-Reliance, And Voluntarism in the United States
  • 1995, Melanie Blumberg, Incumbent Loss in the U.S. House of Representatives: An Empirical Analysis of the Class of 1974
  • 1992, Richard Mukisa, Principles versus Practice in the United Nations Remuneration System: Past Experiences and Future Options
  • 1992, Sanqiang Jian, Foreign Policy Restructuring as Adaptive Behavior: China's "Independent Foreign Policy of Peace" 1982-1989
  • 1992, Michael George, American Liberalism: The Welfare State and the War on Poverty
  • 1991, Tung-Wen Sun, Public Administration in Taiwan: The State-of-the-Art
  • 1991, Soon Eun Kim, Factors Affecting Implementation Effectiveness: A Study of Community Development Block Grant Implementation
  • 1990, Steven Yetiv, The Politics of Comparable Worth
  • 1989, Joyce Baugh, Justice Antonin Scalia and the Freshman Effect
  • 1989, Barbara Poole, The U.S. Strategic Position in the Persian Gulf 1978-1990: The Impact of the Iranian Revolution, the Afghanistan Intervention and the Iran-Iraq War
  • 1982, Subash M. Shah, Work Orientation of Middle-Level Managers From The Public Sector
  • 1988, Nancy Brendlinger, The Mutual and Balances Force Reduction Negotiations: The Soviet Perspective on Verification, 1973-1987
  • 1988, Yann-huei Song, The People's Republic of China and the New Ocean Regime: A Study in the Law of the Sea and Marine Policy
  • 1988, Mohammand Waheeduzzaman, Towards a Systematic Approach to Public Administration Training in Bangladesh
  • 1988, Karen Dean, An Examination of Unanimous Decision Making on the Burger Court
  • 1987, John Beeker, Factors Influencing State Conformance to Federal Environmental Policy Goals: A Comparison of State Implementation of Vehicle Emissions Inspection
  • 1987, Keith Yundt, Latin American States and Political Refugees: Is There a Regional Refugee’s Regime?
  • 1987, Minas Hiruy, Exploring the Perspectives of Ethics: The Case of Public Administrators in the United States
  • 1985, Earnest Dover, Judicial Decision Making Theory: A Comparative Analysis of Personal Attribute Theory and Fact Pattern Analysis
  • 1984, Seo-Hang Lee, South Korean Marine Policy and the Law of the Sea
  • 1984, Alireza Alavi, The Revolutionary Process in Iran: January 1978-April 1979
  • 1983, Chong-un Yi, The Concept of Political Obligation and its Conceptual Relativity in Plato, Hobbes and Rawls
  • 1982, Steven Blodgett, The Evolving Relationship Between the United Nations and International Non-Governmental Organizations: An Assessment of the Need for Institutional Reform
  • 1982, Mohammad Khalili, U.S. Technical Assistance in Iranian Public Administration: An Evaluation of Performance
  • 1982, Warner Mendenhall, The Concept of United States Crisis Management in the Bi-Polar World
  • 1981, Mohabe Nyirabu, Discovery of Development of Opinion In Tanzania
  • 1981, William Kolarik, A Model for the Study of International Trade Politics: The United States Business Community and Soviet-American Relations, 1975-1976
  • 1981, Donald Reaves, An Assessment of the Implementation Process as it Relates to the 1974 Housing and Community Development Act: An Examination of the Akron, Ohio, Case
  • 1981, Arturo Pacho, Policy Agenda of the Ethnic Chinese in the Philippines
  • 1981, Teodros Kiros, The Political Implications of U.S. Nuclear Export Policy Development
  • 1981, Joan Johnson-Freese, Toward the Construction of Theory of Political Action: Antonio Gramsci: Political Philosophy, Hegemony and Leadership
  • 1980, Govind Naidu, A Contribution of Mahatma Gandhi to Democratic theory : Satyagraha
  • 1980, John Ostroski, Effective Communities: A Presentation of Alternate Perspectives
  • 1980, James Moor, An Analysis of Electoral Change From a Multi-level Perspective
  • 1979, Marvin Potes, The Functional Analogy as a Concealed Metaphor: A Critical Examination of the Use of the Biological Analogy in Biopolitics
  • 1979, Kirk W. Halliday, The Cumulative Operants Record: An Application of the Combined Approaches if Robert F. Bales and B.F. Skinner to the Study of the Decision-Making Process in Small Groups
  • 1978, Robert Guhde, Ohio Budgeting for the 1976-77 Biennium: Evaluating Two Explanatory Models
  • 1978, Fred Moseley, The United States--Canadian Great Lakes Pollution Agreement : A Study in International Water Pollution Control
  • 1977, Richard Martin, Nietzsche and Arendt: On Public Action in Mass Society
  • 1977, Bruce McKeown, Personal Construct Theory and Political Cognition
  • 1977, Ronald Sylvia, Private Meanings of Public Objects: Hypnotically Induced Mood States and the Displacement Hypothesis
  • 1977, Mataro T. Sabai, Comparative Effectiveness of Nominal, Delphi and Interaction Techniques: An Empirical Investigation
  • 1976, Larry R. Baas, The Constitution and The Public Mind
  • 1976, Charles Cottle, Some Correctives on Readings of Hume's Theory of Justice
  • 1976, William Stephens, Critical Attitudes Toward the American Polity: A Comparison of Canadian and U. S. University Students
  • 1975, Terry Busson, Urbanization, Party Competition and Public Policy: A Longitudinal Analysis of Three Midwestern states
  • 1975, Paul Dettman, Urbanization and Politics in Madras State: An Exploratory Study
  • 1975, Michael Turner, The International Politics of Narcotics: Turkey and the United States
  • 1975, Dani B. Thomas, On The Physiological Substructure of Ideology: A Q-Technique Study of Personality and Politics
  • 1974, Richard Krajcik, Labor-management Relations in State and Local Government: Nature, Extent, and Impact of Judicial Involvement
  • 1974, James Carlson, Black Political Participation in the South: An Examination of Contextual Effects
  • 1974, Kishanlal Khanna, Behavioral Approach of Bureaucratic Development: An Empirical Analysis of Attitudes and Perceptions of Higher Civil Servants of India
  • 1974, Raymond Bye, Employee Participation in the Federal Service: A Predictive Model
  • 1974, Bruce Halliday, An Analysis of the Theoretical Foundations of PPB: Environmental Assumptions
  • 1973, William Burns, The Innovation Process in the Public Health Subsystem: Five Ohio cases
  • 1973, John Gillespie, An Empirical Assessment of the Relationship of Political Ideology to International Behavior
  • 1973, John Latcham, Role Orientation of Councilmen in Forty Ohio cities: A Systematic Analysis of Legislative Behavior
  • 1973, John H. Daily, Dimensions of Political Attitudes: A Q-Technique Study of Public Reactions to the Calley Verdict
  • 1973, James A. McCain, Empirical Variations of African Socialism-A Perceptual Analysis
  • 1972, Michael Gunter, Ministates and the United Nations System
  • 1972, Isaac Fadahunsi, Voting Behavior in School Referenda: An Investigation of Attitudes and Other Determinant by Q. Technique and Survey Research
  • 1971, Sylvan Cohen, Bureaucratic Development in a Period of Change: the Case of the Nigerian Federal Bureaucracy